Congolese civil society alarmed by the lifting of the moratorium on the death penalty

Civil society actors and international human rights organisations working in the Democratic Republic of Congo are very concerned by the decision of the government of Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo to lift the moratorium on the execution of the death penalty, communicated by circular note No 002 of 13 March 2024.

The circular note signed by Minister of State Rose Mutombo Kiese, Minister of Justice and Keeper of the Seals, justifies the decision “with a view to ridding the DRC army of traitors on the one hand and curbing the resurgence of acts of urban terrorism resulting in the death of men on the other”.

The signatory organisations deplore this decision, which violates the constitutional principle of the sanctity of human life and constitutes a major step backwards in terms of respect for human rights and democracy.

The death penalty has never been abolished in the Democratic Republic of Congo, although there has been a moratorium on its execution since 2003. During this period, it continued to be handed down by Congolese courts, but was replaced by life sentences.

The use of the death penalty constitutes a violation of human rights, in particular the right to life and the right never to be subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

The Congolese state recognises in its 2006 constitution and through its signature of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights that the right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment is an inviolable right that should not be infringed under any circumstances.

With this circular, the government is attacking the right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, which capital punishment represents.

This decision irrevocably raises civil society’s concern about the government’s use of opportunistic and inappropriate political measures to respond to serious security problems that require other types of responses. Moreover, there is no empirical evidence that shows that the death penalty is effective in curbing violence, contrary to the arguments put forward by the Congolese authorities.

In addition to questions about the domestic and international legality of the measure, its implementation raises a number of issues, the most worrying of which are :

  • The capacity of the Congolese judicial system to guarantee compliance with fair trial criteria, regarding to :
    – its fragility and major malfunctions ;
    – high risk of miscarriages of justice ;
    – the possible use of the death penalty to settle scores.
  • The terms used in the circular pave the way for death sentences for a wide range of crimes and offences.
  • It questions the Congolese state’s ability to remain a credible interlocutor in terms of international judicial cooperation, at a time when the country wants to embark on an inclusive transitional justice process to consolidate peace and fight impunity for actors inside and outside the DRC who are responsible for serious human rights violations.

The signatory organisations reiterate that capital punishment is not an appropriate response to the challenges facing the DRC; on the contrary, it consolidates the institutionalised use of violence as a response to societal problems and the structural causes of conflict in the DRC, thereby fuelling cycles of violence in the country.

The signatory organisations recommend that the government take appropriate structural measures to foster loyalty within its security forces and to combat urban crime effectively. The signatory organisations urge the government to revoke the lifting of the moratorium and to continue its efforts to abolish the death penalty from the legal system once and for all, as the moratorium should only be a provisional step in this direction.

(French) Congolese civil society alarmed by the lifting of the moratorium on the death penalty

Ituri: Impact of the state of siege on criminal justice

In May 2021, the Congolese state declared an exceptional state of siege in the province of Ituri in an attempt to put an end to more than three decades of wars, insurrections and violent armed conflicts against a backdrop of political legitimacy crisis, identity crisis and regional competition over the exploitation of natural resources.

This combination of crises and armed conflicts has resulted in serious violations of the human rights of the population and a growing weakening of the authority of the State. Since the early 2000s, the country has engaged in political negotiations, diplomatic exchanges, military operations and the organisation of general elections in an attempt to put an end to the various armed conflicts, but has so far achieved little success.

This report takes stock of the implementation of measures relating to the state of siege and its deleterious impact on the rights of the population and on justice, with a particular focus on the province of Ituri. Under the state of siege, all cases handled by the civil courts were transferred to the military courts, which considerably slowed down judicial activity in the region. The military courts, which have very few staff, quickly found themselves overwhelmed by this influx of cases. In addition, the magistrates and judicial staff of the courts and tribunals do not have the necessary skills to deal with civil cases.

The courts and tribunals are also concentrated around major conurbations, which makes it difficult for people from rural areas to get to them, particularly in a region where any travel entails serious risks of insecurity.

The reflections presented in the report are the fruit of observations of the functioning of the state apparatus and the justice system, as well as practices in supporting victims of mass crimes and defendants deprived of their liberty, and of exchanges organised with all the institutional and civil society actors involved in people’s justice seeking journey. It analyses the contours of the execution of state of siege measures and the functioning of the judicial and security system, with a view to proposing a set of realistic recommendations to the authorities and other stakeholders.

ExPEERience #13: Rendering justice without courts? Experiences of community justice in Ituri

  • When? Thursday February 29 – 12pm (Bangui, Brussels, Kinshasa, Niamey, Rabat, Tunis) / 14h (Dodoma, Nairobi, Kampala)
  • Language: French
  • Online webinar – Registration required

At this ExPEErience Talk, Julien Moriceau and Janvier Digital Koko Kirusha from INANGA, and Johnny Lobho Lamula from ASF in the DRC, will present a study on community justice in Ituri, which will be published in the coming days.

The study is part of the National Justice Reform Policy (PNJR) 2017-2026 and the Support Programme for Justice Reform Phase II (PARJ II) managed by the consortium formed by Avocats Sans Frontières, RCN Justice & Démocratie and TRIAL.

The aim of this study is to shed light on the operation of community justice in Ituri and on the links between all actors and stakeholders involved in dispute resolution processes at both community and state level.

In the DRC, the population still relies heavily on community justice to resolve their conflicts despite its ambiguous legal status. This is particularly the case in Ituri, a region marked by lasting conflicts who have contributed to major issues affecting the proper functioning and the activity of the courts and the various state justice mechanisms.

A wide variety of both community and state actors are involved in dispute resolution in Ituri. Each of them has distinct mechanisms with their own procedures. The courts and tribunals as well as the forces of law and order will justify their action by invoking legal procedures and written law while the actors at community level (customary chiefs, religious actors and cultural associations) will resort to sources such as custom, Congolese law or religious values to deal with disputes.

Litigants cite many reasons to explain why they tend to favour community mechanisms rather than civil justice. First of all: proximity. In the Ituri province, and as is often the case in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the courts and tribunals are concentrated in the main cities. People from rural areas therefore often have to travel long distances to access them. This impediment to access to civil courts is all the more significant in Ituri as the persistence of armed conflict makes long journeys particularly dangerous.

Secondly, recourse to community mechanisms is most often free of charge for the population, unlike state justice which, as well as being slow, is often very expensive. Finally, community actors are familiar with local customs, are close to the people, speak their language and tend to find lasting solutions with an emphasis on restoring social peace.

Join us this Thursday 29 February to discuss further the issues raised by the coexistence of this multiplicity of actors active in the resolution of disputes in Ituri.

(French) Impact of the state of siege on criminal justice in Ituri

Defending the defence: The lawyer faced with the peril of repression

This article is based on the intervention of Bruno Langhendries, head of strategic support at ASF, during the 2023 International Conference of the Bars.

Legal proceedings, harassment, intimidation, deprivation of liberty, and sometimes direct physical harm. Throughtout the world, lawyers working on behalf of human rights, civil society or vulnerable groups are threatened and attacked simply for doing their job.

This is the reality that we and our partners have to face wherever we operate. Our teams report repeated and increasing attacks on lawyers, and more generally on human rights defenders, in a global context of erosion the rule of law, narrowing of civic space and hypertrophy of executive power to the detriment of the legislative and judicial systems.

The perils faced by lawyers as the rule of law crumbles

In the contexts in which ASF works, lawyers face multiple threats:

  • Harassment, threats and intimidation, and in rarer cases, direct attacks on physical integrity. They come from representatives of the authorities or actors who claim to come from civil society but who are often very close to those in power.
  • Prosecution or deprivation of liberty:
    o In the exercise of their profession. Repressive legislation is invoked or the immunity that lawyers are supposed to enjoy is lifted. Defamation, slander or apology for terrorism are then the preferred grounds for prosecution.
    o In their private lives. Lawyers are prosecuted for acts unrelated to their profession.

These repressive tactics are used by authorities when they feel their interests are threatened.

Lawyers find themselves the target of these attacks most often when they :

  • Defend members of civil society, political opponents and people in vulnerable situations, who are often already victims of state repression.
  • Denounce repressive and arbitrary practices of state agents.
  • Denounce reforms that threaten the rule of law.

The aim of the authorities is to prevent the defence from playing its role in supporting civil society and to discourage and isolate those who dare to question their practices.

AS’s teams have witnessed many examples of this dangerous trend.

In Tunisia, Maître Ayachi Hammani was prosecuted for criticising the Minister of Justice after the arbitrary dismissal of more than fifty judges.

Still in Tunisia, Maître Hayet Jazzar and Maître Ayoub Ghedamsi were prosecuted after pleading on behalf of a victim of torture committed by police officers.

In 2022; in the Central African Republic, Maître Manguareka was harassed after defending the interests of an opponent of the regime in court. In the country, all lawyers and their bar associations are branded enemies of peace by groups close to the government.

In Uganda, Nicholas Opiyo, a human rights lawyer, was arrested along with other lawyers and held in detention for several weeks. Initially arrested without charge, he was later prosecuted for money laundering.

In Burundi, 5 members of partner associations were arrested and imprisoned for four months, mainly because they were working with Avocats Sans Frontières.

Unfortunately, there are many more examples we could mention.

It is important to point out that all these cases are different and take place in specific contexts.

However, in all these countries, the intensification of repression against lawyers, and more broadly against human rights defenders, goes hand in hand with the shrinking of civic space that we observe everywhere we work.

What we think is important to note is that :

  • On the one hand, this persecution of lawyers is acompanied by increased repression of other voice-bearers, of human rights defenders, whether they are acting in a professional capacity or as citizens.
  • This narrowing of civic space is the corollary of the rise of populism and continued attacks to the principles of the rule of law.

This narrowing of civic space will most often be used to favor the executive power to the detriment of legislative and judicial powers. This slide towards more authoritarian regimes is often accelerated by the use of states of emergency or states of siege. The supposedly temporary freedom restricing measures are held over the long term and sometimes made into common law. This transition towards more authoritarian regimes can also occur in a more brutal way during coups d’état, as was the case recently in Tunisia or in the Sahel.

In the countries in which ASF operates, the organisation implements programmes to defend human rights in partnership with civil society and the lawyer bars.

ASF, in collaboration with its local partners, mobilises the following approaches to support lawyers and human rights defenders:

  • The development of collectives of lawyers and human rights defenders so that they can assert their rights collectively and react quickly in the event of a threat.
  • Defending lawyers in the event of prosecution or deprivation of liberty. In the event of prosecution or deprivation of liberty, ASF supports the defence of lawyers, in particular by mobilising international actors and urging them to act.
  • Monitoring human rights violations and threats to civic space and human rights defenders, including lawyers. Based on this monitoring, ASF develops advocacy strategies in favour of civil liberties and the defence of human rights defenders and lawyers.

Ezekere case – Military Court upholds convictions and grants full exemption from legal costs to victims, a first in Ituri

Access to Remedy for Human Rights Violations in East Africa: Lessons learned from the perspective of Civil Society Organizations during the East African Business & Human Rights Conference

Justice ExPEERience, the human rights network launched by ASF, celebrates its second anniversary

Two years ago, Avocats Sans Frontières launched Justice ExPEERience, a network for the promotion of human rights, as well as an online platform of the same name to support and energise this network. This anniversary is an opportunity for us to look back at the history and mandate of the Justice ExPEERience network and its platform. A report on its first two years of activity has just been published, covering developments since its creation, its key projects and also its development prospects.

The network has expanded significantly since its launch in 2021. It now has more than 600 members working in 52 countries on 5 continents. The network wants to create more links between actors‧rice‧s in the sector promoting access to justice and human rights around the world. The aim is for them‧elle‧s to be able to share knowledge, build capacity and work on joint projects to have more impact.

The Justice ExPEERience platform has also been significantly improved. In 2022, it was equipped with a mobile application that can be downloaded to any smartphone. The platform’s interface has also been translated into Arabic, adding to the languages already available, including English and French. Developments are also underway to improve the fluidity, speed and user experience‧rice on the Justice ExPEERience platform.

Several communities of practice, coalitions and working groups have also emerged on Justice ExPEErience over the last two years. They have shared information and contributed to exchanges in public spaces, but have also been able to work and collaborate in confidential spaces to collectively develop advocacy campaigns, projects to monitor human rights violations, or strategic litigation.

Report Justice ExPEERience 2021-2023